This is a CTP of initiative: ICA/Fucvam (Uruguay)
In 1989, FUCVAM, as federation, coordinated the massive takeover of land in the city of Montevideo. Between 1986 and 1989, 35,000 evictions increased the serious economic and social situation of Uruguay. In particular, the evictees were precarious tenants of the downtown area of Montevideo. This process represents a CTP for FUCVAM, because it generated changes in his trajectorie and several learnings in different levels.
As a result of this action, in 1990, through Decree 24,654, the government created the Portfolio of Land for Housing of Montevideo . The main objective of the policy was to generate a stock of land (with and without buildings), for the construction of housing for the purpose of use in two types of operations: 1- implementation of housing programs promoted by the Municipality of Montevideo and 2- sale or granting to families (or groups of low-income families) with housing problems. To guarantee the right of access to decent housing (now recognized as a human right), it is essential ensure both access to credit as land. The topic it presents very important because co-operators have no savings capacity and therefore cannot access land through the market. It created so a vicious circle in which land is required for access to credit, which is the only way to access land.
The Portfolio of Land for Housing of Montevideo it created in 1990 as the result of political actions carried out during 1989, especially demonstrations and finally the seizure of land. The main actor who led the process was FUCVAM, but political actions, involving numerous institutions and individuals. In a scenario of economic crisis and rising inflation, there was a string of evictions in the Montevideo city (which occupies two thirds of the population of Uruguay). This especially affected the poorest sectors. In parallel, FUCVAM began developing a strategy to expedite the process of work cooperatives "pending", engaged by the administrative bureaucracy of an opposite government. "The theme of pending cooperatives have the timely attention of the whole movement. We say this because it is one of the main points that were fixed in the settlement agreement in the conflict with the Mortgage Bank. FUCVAM demanded not only expediting the formalities, but also the granting of loans. In addition, we have a big obstacle that is the non-granting of legal personality. If the government continues blocking in this phase, this growth of cooperatives is mortgaged. With the same attitude that we set the fight against dictatorship and for a just redemption, we must consider the achievement of legal personality." FUCVAM at that time represented more than 100 cooperatives and as a Federation opened the debate on land occupation. However, while discussed, in July 1989, the cooperative COVETEA occupied an area of the city of Montevideo, speeding up all the whole process. Other cooperatives also took land, were COVIDE, Tacuabé, COVICEVI and 6 May.
In 1989, the "Frente Amplio" (a center-left party) won the elections in Montevideo and Tabaré Vazquez became major of the city. The new city authorities assumed a very different position relative to the housing problems that were expressed in the land occupation occurred that year. The new government created the Portfolio of Land for Housing of Montevideo in 1990 and the Ministry of Housing in 1991. This institution was a key actor in the collaborative relationships between FUCVAM and state. This policy of collaboration generated good results for both parties. Especially collaboration between the cooperative housing movement and the municipal government of Montevideo, which after created the Portfolio of Farms. This instrument allowed deliver buildings to cooperative groups, and request borrowing at the Ministry of Housing.
In 1990s, Luis Alberto Lacalle, representing the National Party, ruled Uruguay. Upon assuming the presidency of the Republic, Lacalle announced a set of reforms involving the accentuation of changes in the economy by giving priority to reducing the fiscal deficit through a shock policy. The new government enacted legislation as proposed fiscal adjustment, the sale of public banks, reform of the state apparatus, the monopolization of various public services, and regulation of the right to strike. As he remarked that the Government Program, its implementation should "review and reform of the state industrial and commercial activities" No doubt, this was due to the path FUCVAM as a second-degree institution with a record of accomplishment, at that time, more than 30 years. In the 1990s, it was imposed globally the so-called Washington Consensus, which were also participants other Latin American presidents like Carlos Menem in Argentina, Fernando Collor de Melo in Brazil and Carlos Salinas de Gortari in Mexico. One of the most interesting aspects of the creation of the portfolio of land is that it was realized at a time when the neoliberal ideology dominated the world and the region. In a scenario in which "everything" is a commodity, the state created a portfolio of public land for use in co-housing projects is a clear opposition between habitat public policy and general nationwide. However, this anomaly can be explained because the government of the city of Montevideo, the capital and largest district of Uruguay, was in the hands of the Frente Amplio (Broad Front), a coalition of leftist parties. This was what made a difference between national policy and the local.
The debate over the "idle Land" characterized the prior step to the creation of a Portfolio of Land for Housing of Montevideo. In the case of urban land, the debate occurs among social groups who have a right of access to housing but lack the conditions for exercising it, and the State, that has the power to dispose of the property in terms of a general social interest. Thus, the process becomes a political decision availability of public land. On the contrary, regarding private land, the problem is more complex because the right to use the land by those who need housing faced with the right to property of the owner of the property. Moreover, due to the economic crisis of the 1980s, the cooperative movement had grown significantly, and they were many new cooperatives that promoted the land occupation as a principal action. Especially in strategically response to administrative barrier created by the state. It generated a lot of debate about which strategy should follow the cooperative movement. If the occupation finally are decided, what will be the scope, characteristics and finally, the specific demands will involve the measure? The debate lasted for three months (May to July 1989), and finally ended in the seizure of land in the city of Montevideo. FUCVAM, always she had been adjusted to the Housing Act and submitted 60 requests for legal status for new associations of which he obtained only 6. The attitude of the State led the Federation to resort to direct action as a tool to create a new regulation. The struggle managed to transform public policy and the government of Montevideo changed its position on the cooperative movement. In turn, the granting of land to cooperatives and other organized groups, not only solved a problem to these social groups, but also favoured the government of Montevideo. If urban land is not occupied, vulnerable groups are oriented to occupy land in peripheral areas lacking the necessary services. Once the homes are built in outlying land, the cooperatives would demand to the quartermaster who must respond with new infrastructure.
During the first phase of the National Housing Plan, between 1969 and 1973, the cooperatives had access to land through the award by the National Housing Direction, the agency national who acted as executor of the policy of the sector. However, in the mid-1970s, housing policy followed the dynamics of all public policy, guided by the neoliberal logic, in that the state split with social problem solving, giving all to the market place. This led to the interruption of the policies of expropriation and / or purchase and subsequent allocation of land led by the National Housing Direction.
The cooperative movement had a few years of regularized their situation in relation to the strike, but the difficulties in accessing land remained unresolved. So it became a central element of claims FUCVAM. The program "Portfolio of Land for Housing of Montevideo", had as its main objective collaboration between the municipal government and FUCVAM, who linked and funnelled housing demand of low-income sectors organized. The cooperative movement had a few years to regularized their situation in relation to the strike, but the difficulties in accessing land remained unresolved. Therefore, it became a central element of claims FUCVAM. In the end of the 1980s, FUCVAM devoted all his energies to design a program to access to urban land, one of the historic rights claimed by the Federation. The program to access a urban land was a strategic objective of FUCVAM an essential complement to create a comprehensive system of co-housing. In that sense, FUCVAM not only anticipated the CTP of creation a portfolio land, but also was his main driver. The program "Portfolio of Land for Housing of Montevideo", had as its main objective collaboration between the municipal government and FUCVAM, who linked and funnelled housing demand of low-income sectors organized.
The creation of the Portfolio of Land for Housing, favoured many learning for FUCVAM, especially from collaboration with the City hall of Montevideo. The government was who provided land and funding for housing (which was included technical work), and cooperatives contributed with part of management, and labour. The Portfolio of Land for Housing created the conditions for a set of pilot experiences, and each generated significant and transformative learnings. The Act constituted an important learning for FUCVAM because until that time, the relationship with the state had always been conflict. Creating of Portfolio, as public policy, helped reverse that instance of conflict by other of collaboration, between cooperatives and the government of Montevideo. From creation of the Portfolio, FUCVAM made a set of pilot experiences that allowed testing of new materials and building styles from the cooperative management. The development of new construction technologies (artefacts, processes and knowledge), showed better results than the projects "turnkey" by construction. Conducting pilot experiences of FUCVAM, showed similar costs to the builded in traditional styles. However, the mutual aid system, he built more meters per unit and best finishes. Some of the experimental programs include: COVIGOES: 20 four-storey houses with self-produced blocks, with dry joint, built by the occupants of a land anciently property of the City hall. COVIFOEB II and III: 100 dwellings of a plant built by a cooperative of disabled people, using a building style developed by a research institute in social habitat of Argentina. COVIITU y COVIHON: 78 houses built by the "shell housing" technique (from the outside in), by a cooperative of evacuees pension and disrepair houses.
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